Energy Crisis In Pakistan Environmental Sciences Essay

Among the many strands of this crisis, the political strand is especially important. Practically speaking, it is the key to resolving the others. Absent a successful reconstitution of democratic power, there is no hope of successfully addressing the ecological, economic/financial or social dimensions of crisis. The crisis of democracy demands our attention, both for its own sake and for the sake of our other problems.

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To be able to have an effective crisis management, effective crisis communication is necessary....

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The overall result is a major administrative crisis. With respect to “output,” public powers cannot or will not deliver solutions to those in whose name they govern.

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Not all of these preconditions hold today in full-blown form, as neoliberal thinking has assaulted them at every point. But the seeds of many of them are present in latent form. And these presuppositions could in principle be reactivated, made to bloom, through processes of public-sphere communication that contest the neoliberal commonsense that has eroded them. Whether and when that might happen we cannot now know. But the creation of robust, expansive, and inclusive public spheres on a transnational basis is key to this process. Only a revitalized democratic publicity can revive the psycho-political-cultural experiences and attitudes that are required to turn our administrative crisis into a true legitimation crisis. And only a legitimation crisis of that sort can lead to the sort of deep-structural transformation of the financialized capitalist order that is needed to resolve in an emancipatory way all the strands of the multidimensional crisis complex we currently face: ecological, social, and economic, as well as political.

Essentially, this crisis was created by an accumulation of several smaller mistakes.
Many economists consider it the worst crisis since the Great Depression, and its alarming results are still seen today, a long six years later.

Repoliticalization of accounting standard setting—The …

In Poland, we face specific challenges caused by both more recent and distant history. The two have one shared outcome – they keep society in a state of passivity while waiting for initiatives that are to be taken by external actors. The legacy of bestowed privileges granted by merciful powers, captures the concept of a passive society, which is steered from outside. From recent history, that of real socialism, we have inherited paternalistic demoralization. But we have inherited a second factor, which has favored the passivity of society, from more distant, 19th century history. Introduced by the Polish Poet-Prophet Adam Mickiewicz, was the fantasy of Poland as a “Christ among Nations,” suffering on behalf of others. The messianic idea, which exhibited a cult of suffering and the sanctification of victimhood, served to morally elevate the nation as a carrier of a particular salvational mission. This Polocentric cultural idiom constituted a dangerous element of the national consciousness, as it was Providence itself that has chosen that Poles are to fight with the evil of history. Throughout 19th century, when Poland — partitioned by the three neighboring empires — had lost its statehood, Messianism provided a source of collective self-worth. However, the same Messianism played a demobilizing and disarming role. It was not through one’s own daily efforts and labors, but through divine Providence, that Poland’s position among other states was to be established. Perhaps the belief in this persistent fantasy was not a decisive one, but it was certainly conducive in not paying attention to wobbly institutions and structures, a crucial toolbox for the functioning of modern democratic state. If everything is in the hands of a divine power, it does not pay to deal with the nitty gritty of state governance. In the meantime, the poorly functioning structures of the modern state were in urgent need of repair, reinforcement and mobilization of resources. The phantom of the civilizational and messianic mission carries with it a variety of consequences in many different spheres of social life. It was and it is, as one can see in the most recent developments in Poland, fodder for populistic demonstration of national superiority, which cannot be reconciled with the vision of the state associated with broader European structures.

Internal and external communication is essential during times of crisis if a successful outcome is to prevail.

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However, law as a ruler’s word and a citizen’s shield, require different abilities of those who create them, those who apply them, and those who use them. The general definition of law in Poland prior to 1988 treated the law as the realization of the will of the working class, which was secured through the coercion of the state. This was a vision of the law as a sword. The law as a shield, which protects an individual from the caprices of the power, is a conception of the liberal rule of law. Both of those paradigms define differently the duties, the tasks and capacities of a legislator, an administrator and a judge, as well as the expectations, rights and duties of an individual. The assessment of the state of democracy in Poland in 1991, made it possible to join first the Council of Europe and, in 2004, the European Union. The markers indicating that Poland’s legal system was compatible with the rule of law were established on the basis of the legislative check list: the ratification of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and its conformance to the norms of the legal system of the European Union. However, this did not end, nor did it exhaust, the changes.

The unfolding crisis has prompted the US Government to enact aggressive monetary stimulus designed to reverse the downward spiral of home values.

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Next, the legitimation aspect: Democracy also requires arenas and infrastructures of informal public communication. These “public spheres,” as they have been called, are sites in civil society where all who are governed can participate in free and open discussions aimed at assessing the legitimacy (or illegitimacy) of the powers to which they are subject. Through informal public communication in the press and other media, those who are governed must be able to scrutinize alternative policy proposals, while also clarifying their own interests and needs. Ideally, the result should be a body of “public opinion” that is normatively legitimate — because it is arrived at through a communicative process that is open, unrestricted, inclusive, and fair. Ideally, too, public opinion should be practically efficacious: able to influence or constrain administrative power, so that the latter really does act in the public interest. Put differently, public opinion formed in public spheres should be translated into public will.