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The Patriot Act Francis Harrington Table of Contents Introduction 3 Agenda Setting 4 Policy Formulation 4 Policy Legitimation 4-5 Policy Implementation 5-6 Defining Terrorism 6 Homeland Security 7-9 Potential Actors 9-11 Unresolved Issues 11-15 Policy Evaluation 15-17 Conclusion 17.

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Unfortunately, a reasoned argument like yours can never compete with the sort of appeal to the lizard-brain that the Homeland Security folks and their bosses have so successfully deployed. That's something "conservatives" learned long ago from their Fascist cousins, but liberals and moderates seem constitututionally incapable of grokking. Ashcroft prevented any serious debate on the USA-PATRIOT Act by insisting that every minute of delay strengthens the terrorists and any questioning or opposition to any of it aids the enemy. Bush won a second term against the effete ineffective Kerry by relentlessly focusing on fear.

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13. Connected in some sort with the forementioned essay, and in their way equally valuable, are his tracts on Education and the early Conduct of the Understanding; both worthy, as we apprehend, of a more careful perusal than is commonly bestowed upon them, the latter more especially, which seems to be little known and less attended to. It contains an easy popular illustration of some discoveries in the foregoing essay, particularly that great and universal law of nature, the support of so many mental powers, (v. g. that of memory under all its modifications) and which produces equally remarkable effects in the intellectual, as that of gravitation does in the material world;—I mean the association of ideas: the first hint whereof did not appear till the fourth edition of his essay, and then came in as it were by the by, under some very peculiar circumstances, and in comparatively trivial instances; the author himself seeming not to be sufficiently aware of its extensiveness, and the many uses to which it is applicable, and has been applied of late by several of our own writers. The former tract abounds with no less curious and entertaining than useful observations on the various tempers and dispositions of youth: with proper directions for the due regulation and improvement of them, and just remarks on the too visible defects in that point; nor should it be looked upon as merely fitted for the instruction of schoolmasters or nurses, but as affording matter of reflection to men of business, science, and philosophy. The several editions of this treatise, which has been much esteemed by foreigners, with the additions made to it abroad, may be seen in Gen. Dict. Vol. VII. p. 145.

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Iraqi children were still dying by the thousands, our government would look for another opportunity to bomb Iraq, and they had learned their lesson. The next time they moved to bomb Iraq, even the appearance of a democratic consensus being achieved with the public would not be risked. Our government would likely stage no more "town meetings" before they bomb somebody. The December 1998 bombing of Iraq validated my suspicion. That one had no warning or propaganda buildup. It happened on the day that Clinton was impeached. Similarly, the summer before, America bombed Sudan and Afghanistan when the Lewinsky scandal was headline news. With and timing, the movie came out soon before we bombed Sudan and Afghanistan. Did life imitate art again? In the autumn of 1998, the propaganda machine revved up again. The subsequent bombing of Yugoslavia was the same, with no selling of the war to the American people before it began.My motivation for writing letters to the editor was not necessarily being published, but helping to let the newspaper know how many people out there felt like me, and perhaps they might run one letter like mine. If the people truly stand up, they will be counted, but the system is increasingly rigged against people participating in it. Noam Chomsky has written about how the system works for many years in many books. In nearly every society there are an elite few at the hierarchy's top, and they often view those below them as beings to be used for their own selfish ends. The West immediately attacks any nation that attempts to form an egalitarian society, as we think that we own the world, and have for five centuries. Ralph McGehee stated it clearly . Egalitarianism is incompatible with elitism, and USA has long led the field in destroying egalitarian movements worldwide.The coverage of the bombing attacks of 1998 was a much different affair than it was in 1991, or the saber rattling during the winter of 1997-1998. What happened in December 1998 literally made me sick. They impeached Clinton for the wrong crime. That time nearly the entire world was against America. Clinton, with a straight face, told America that the bombs we were dropping in Iraq as he spoke were dropped to protect Iraq's neighbors. Not one of Iraq's "threatened" neighbors voiced approval of the bombing. They all said to stop bombing Iraq. Even nations that supposedly hated Saddam Hussein, such as Syria and Iran, protested what the USA and the UK were doing. They knew that a devastated nation of starving people posed little threat to them, and the writing on the wall was obvious: if they displeased the USA, they could end up just like Iraq. The USA's hypocrisy regarding the UN was laid bare. If America could manipulate the UN into voting our way, we present their vote as authorizing our actions, speaking fair words about the need to obey international law and the UN's voice. When the UN does not vote the way we like, we give them the finger, doing as we please. The fact that we outraged two of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, China and Russia, while France looked for a place to hide, spoke volumes about the USA's actions. The entire world saw that our actions in Iraq benefited nobody but us. Peace activists began saying that dropping a nuclear bomb once a year on Iraq would be more humane than the slow starvation and strangulation of its population.The night of America’s surprise bombing of Iraq on December 16th was not a happy one for me. I decided against writing another letter to the editor, and wrote a several page essay. I was up until about 3:00 AM writing it. I titled it "In the Service of Empire." I had not had a web page up for a couple of years, and had not planned to go public until a book was published. My writings were being published around the Internet in various places, and I was getting more requests for my work. I decided to start another website, putting my latest writings under one roof, which led to this website. The Iraq portion of this essay was the first part of that project. Since our attack on Iraq in December of 1998, there was a continuous series of air battles and skirmishes between the USA and Iraq. The best analysis of events takes into consideration the USA's global political-economic aims and those of its junior partner, the UK.

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Sprinkle's were published, the ran its weekly Cal Thomas column. Thomas was a nationally syndicated columnist who called himself a Christian from the conservative tradition. In Thomas's column, he also called for dropping nuclear weapons on Iraq, and he was not alone on the national stage with his opinion. Thomas wrote that nuking Iraq would "save lives." He obviously did not mean the lives of Iraqi citizens.What made the sentiments of Thomas and Sprinkle surreal was that the events in Iraq and Kuwait were obviously not a "war" in any meaningful sense. In the words of American soldiers, what happened in Iraq was a "turkey shoot." Iraq was virtually defenseless to America’s record bombing campaign. It was history’s most intense bombing campaign to that time. Nobody will ever know exactly how many Iraqi soldiers died in that "war." Credible estimates range from 100,000 to 200,000 soldiers dying, and even higher. Iraq's elite Republican Guard was not decimated. The dead were mainly Iraqi conscripts. The vast majority never even saw an American soldier before they died. They usually died in their shelters and trenches, huddling from the awesome devastation raining from the air.The USA tried out many new weapons in Iraq. Americans generally only heard about the Patriot Missile system that was used to shoot at Iraqi Scuds. Barely reported was the Iraqi population's suffering, or the neat weapons used on Iraq. Those realities were hidden from the American people. Pentagon censors screened virtually every American news report that came from Iraq. The American people were treated to daily propaganda exercises led by Norman Schwarzkopf, who is now in America's pantheon of heroes. Once in a great while, some truth made it to the public, and it was usually by the and CNN, two non-members of the Eastern Oligarchy. In the on February 24, 1991 John Balzar brought a little reality to his readers with his front page article titled "Apache Copters: Deadly Havoc in the Dark of Night." Balzar was able to watch night vision gunsight footage from the briefing room. He reported what he saw: "They looked like ghostly sheep flushed from a pen - Iraqi infantrymen bewildered and terrified, jarred from sleep and fleeing their bunkers under a hellish fire. One by one, they were cut down by attackers they could not see or understand. Some were blown to bits by bursts of 30-millimeter exploding cannon shells. One man dropped, writhed on the ground, then struggled to his feet; another burst of fire tore him apart…Even hardened soldiers hold their breath as the Iraqi soldiers, as big as football players on the television screen, run with nowhere to hide. These are not bridges exploding or airplane hangers. These are men." The weapons used in the Gulf War were nightmarish. Bombs that explode at waist level were not the kinds of smart bombs that our newscasters oohed and aahed over. By the Pentagon's own numbers, 93% of the bomb tonnage used by America in the Gulf War was not "smart." Missiles that turned around buildings in pursuit of their targets were evening news fare, but the vast majority of what America dropped onto Iraq was the dumb kind, and about 70% of it missed its target. If Americans had seen what was really happening in Iraq, they might not have cheered so loudly.During the Gulf War, some weapons systems deployed were the most powerful weapons short of a nuclear bomb. One was a fuel-air bomb. The bomb works thusly: there are two detonations; the first spreads a fine mist of fuel into the air, turning the area into an explosive mix of vast proportion; then a second detonation ignites the mixture, which causes an awesome explosion. The explosion is about the most powerful "conventional" explosion known. At a pressure shock of up to 200 pounds per square inch ("PSI"), people in its detonation zone are often killed by the sheer compression of the air around them. Human beings can typically withstand up to about a 40-PSI shock. The bomb sucks oxygen out of the air, and can apparently even suck the lungs out through the mouths of people unfortunate enough to be in the detonation zone. Our military used it on helpless people. The USA also dropped a bomb called "Big Blue," with a specialized high-tech explosive mixture that can produce up to a 1,000-PSI shock wave, a magnitude only exceeded by nuclear weapons. That kind of shock wave turns a body into hamburger, even if no shrapnel hits it.Some of the other weapons systems deployed were called "bouncing" bombs. "Adam" was one of those bombs used in the Gulf War. It is euphemistically called an "antipersonnel" bomb. The bomb bounces up to about waist high after hitting the ground, so when it explodes it has a better chance of eviscerating the "personnel" unfortunate enough to be near it. Another novel weapon deployed in the Gulf War was "The Beehive." The Beehive was a bomb that spins at high velocity, spitting out 8,800 pieces of razor-edged shrapnel in all directions, producing a "Swiss-cheese" effect on anybody near it. In concept, those weapons were not exactly new, but were high-tech, refined versions of earlier ideas and weapons, nearly making death-dealing into a macabre art form. As the reporter who wrote about those weapons in 1991 observed: "The mechanics of death and destruction are a grim affair. The military's scientific approach and its philosophies - for example, its preference for wounding vital organs over blowing off limbs - can be deeply disquieting to anybody who imagines such matters are left to chance. Many people would rather not know about the gruesome details." Norman Schwarzkopf never regaled the press with footage showing the results of those weapons.While the bombing was happening, America leapt into a frenzy of jingoistic support. Yellow Ribbon campaigns blanketed the nation. The bank where I worked had a Red, White, and Blue Day at the office, and everybody was supposed to wear those colors and pose for a company group picture. I was working as a temporary employee at the time, and decided to not toe the line, perhaps risking my job. I wore black and green that day and found a way to disappear when the group photo was taken, amidst the chest-beating cheers.

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THE USA PATRIOT ACT OF 2001
The USA PATRIOT is an act of United States congress that was assented into law on October 26, 2001. It is an acronym that stands for Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001. It represents the US government’s primary legislative response to terrorist attacks of September 11th. This Act focused on significant reduction in restrictions in law enforcement agencies’ collecting of intelligence within the united states; expanding the secretary of the treasury’s authority to regulate financial transactions, specifically those involving foreign individuals and entities; and broadening the discretion of law enforcement and immigration authorities in keeping in custody and deporting immigrants suspected of terrorism- related acts.
The law which governs the material support of terrorism is contentious causing an infringement of freedom of association. The Humanitarian Law Project, objected to the provision prohibiting expert advice and assistance to terrorists and filed a suit against the U.S. government to have it declared unconstitutional. They succeeded, and a Federal Court found that the law was vague enough to cause a reasonable person to guess whether they were breaking the law or not. Thus they found it violated the First Amendment rights of U.S. citizens, and struck it down
One of the biggest controversies involved the use of National Security Letters by the FBI to allow them to search telephone, email, and financial records without a court order. In November 2005, it was reported that the FBI had issued so many National Security Letters that they had obtained one million financial, credit, employment and health records from the customers of targeted Las Vegas businesses. Selected businesses included casinos, storage warehouses and car rental agencies.
The constitutionality of National security letters was challenged in court in April 2004; it was argued that the National Security Letters violated the First and Fourth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution because the USA PATRIOT Act 2001 failed to give an outline of any legal process whereby a telephone or Internet company could oppose the letter in court. The court agreed, and found that because the recipient of the letter could not challenge it in court it was agreed that it was unconstitutional. Congress later tried to reinstitute this in a reauthorization Act, but because they did not do away with the non-disclosure provision the Federal court again found National security letters to be unconstitutional for they prohibited courts from engaging in significant judicial review.