Essay on should death penalty be abolished

Whether there is an official moratorium on executions varies from state to state. Over the past decade, 8 of the 31 states that have not abolished the death penalty have carried out no executions, and might thus be considered to have de facto moratoria. The governor of Oregon declared a formal moratorium on executions on November 22, 2011 to last throughout his term, which ends in January 2015. In February 2014, Governor Jay Inslee of Washington also announced a moratorium on executions for the remainder of his term.

Before the State of Illinois abolished the death penalty in March 2011 and commuted the remaining death row inmates’ sentences to life imprisonment, there was an official moratorium in the state.

(This question was last updated on August 9, 2015.)

Essay about The Death Penalty Should Be Abolished | …

03/03/2012 · Essay on should death penalty be abolished

Why the Death Penalty Should Be Abolished Essay 1043 Words | 5 Pages

Nice essay. I'm so frustrated with what's happened to liberal democracy. The administration and their supporters are making a ton of money on the wars, security theater, and they'll make a great deal more as they scale up oil production. Eisenhower warned us about the military-industrial complex becoming too powerful more than 40 years ago. Organizations like the TSA (and DHS, FEMA, CIA,etc) are created and never go away even if everyone outside were to agree the agency adds little value because law enforcement organizations become self-perpetuating. If the terror were to subside the TSA will redefine its mission to ensure its ongoing survival. I'm not saying that all of these agencies should be abolished, but there are a lot of US federal agencies that long ago reached a point where they are no longer worth their expense.

essays on why the death penalty should be abolished

Like the rest of us, hardened criminals want to live, and they will often adjust their behavior accordingly. Abolish the death penalty entirely and what incentive does a “lifer” have not to kill while in prison or, if he escapes, while on the run? We should not be reluctant to draw on our own commonsense when thinking about the deterrent effect of capital punishment. After all, this is how men and women have been reaching such judgments for thousands of years.

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Capital Punishment Essay: Benefits of the Death …

For this reason, John Brown is the KEY political figure in the history of US: in his fervently Christian "radical abolitionism," he came closest to introducing the Jacobin logic into the US political landscape: "John Brown considered himself a complete egalitarian. And it was very important for him to practice egalitarianism on every level. /.../ He made it very clear that he saw no difference, and he didn't make this clear by saying it, he made it clear by what he did." Today even, long after slavery was abolished, Brown is the dividing figure in American collective memory; those whites who support Brown are all the more precious - among them, surprisingly, Henry David Thoreau, the great opponent of violence: against the standard dismissal of Brown as blood-thirsty, foolish and insane, Thoreau painted a portrait of a peerless man whose embracement of a cause was unparalleled; he even goes as far as to liken Brown's execution (he states that he regards Brown as dead before his actual death) to Christ. Thoreau vents at the scores of those who have voiced their displeasure and scorn for John Brown: the same people can't relate to Brown because of their concrete stances and "dead" existences; they are truly not living, only a handful of men have lived.

It is, however, this very consequent egalitarianism which is simultaneously the limitations of the Jacobin politics. Recall Marx's fundamental insight about the "bourgeois" limitation of the logic of equality: the capitalist inequalities ("exploitations") are not the "unprincipled violations of the principle of equality," but are absolutely inherent to the logic of equality, they are the paradoxical result of its consequent realization. What we have in mind here is not only the old boring motif of how market exchange presupposes formally/legally equal subjects who meet and interact on the market; the crucial moment of Marx's critique of "bourgeois" socialists is that capitalist exploitation does not involve any kind of "unequal" exchange between the worker and the capitalist - this exchange is fully equal and "just," ideally (in principle), the worker gets paid the full value of the commodity he is selling (his labour force). Of course, radical bourgeois revolutionaries are aware of this limitation; however, the way they try to amend it is through a direct "terrorist" imposition of more and more de facto equality (equal salaries, equal health service...), which can only be imposed through new forms of formal inequality (different sorts of preferential treatments of the under-privileged). In short, the axiom of "equality" means either not enough (it remains the abstract form of actual inequality) or too much (enforce "terrorist" equality) - it is a formalist notion in a strict dialectical sense, i.e., its limitation is precisely that its form is not concrete enough, but a mere neutral container of some content that eludes this form.

The problem here is not terror as such - our task today is precisely to reinvent emancipatory terror. The problem lies elsewhere: the egalitarian political "extremism" or "excessive radicalism" should always be read as a phenomenon of ideologico-political displacement: as an index of its opposite, of a limitation, of a refusal effectively to "go to the end." What was the Jacobin's recourse to radical "terror" if not a kind of hysterical acting out bearing witness to their inability to disturb the very fundamentals of economic order (private property, etc.)? And does the same not go even for the so-called "excesses" of Political Correctness? Do they also not display the retreat from disturbing the effective (economic etc.) causes of racism and sexism? Perhaps, then, the time has come to render problematic the standard tropes, shared by practically all the "postmodern" Leftists, according to which political "totalitarianism" somehow results from the predominance of material production and technology over the intersubjective communication and/or symbolic practice, as if the root of the political terror resides in the fact that the "principle" of instrumental reason, of the technological exploitation of nature, is extended also to society, so that people are treated as raw stuff to be transformed into a New Man. What if it is the exact opposite which holds? What if political "terror" signals precisely that the sphere of (material) production is denied in its autonomy and subordinated to political logic? Is it not that all political "terror," from Jacobins to Maoist Cultural Revolution, presupposes the foreclosure of production proper, its reduction to the terrain of political battle? In other words, what it effectively amounts to is nothing less than the abandonment of Marx's key insight into how the political struggle is a spectacle which, in order to be deciphered, has to be referred to the sphere of economics ("if Marxism had any analytical value for political theory, was it not in the insistence that the problem of freedom was contained in the social relations implicitly declared 'unpolitical' - that is, naturalized - in liberal discourse"). As to philosophical roots of this limitation of egalitarian terror, it is relatively easy to discern the grounds of what when wrong with Jacobin terror in Rousseau who was ready to pursue to its "Stalinist" extreme the paradox of the universal will:

The Death of the Moth, and Other Essays

The Death Penalty in United States of America

As we show in our book, criminals often behave much more rationally than is usually thought. It is well documented, for example, that during plea negotiations with their attorneys and prosecutors, killers will often choose to plead guilty to murder in exchange for a life sentence rather than risk conviction and a death sentence at trial. Also, as part of the “deal” some admit to other unsolved murders or lead authorities to the bodies of victims. Acting rationally, some murderers choose life in prison and cooperation with authorities over the prospect of eventual execution. We also know that only a tiny fraction of those sentenced to death (perhaps 4% or less) “volunteer” for the death penalty by prematurely ending the appeals process (though sometimes after many years of appeals). Thus, nearly all of those sentenced to death would rather live out their lives behind bars than face execution. Even sadistic killers like Jeffrey Dahmer, who murdered sixteen young men and boys in Wisconsin between 1978 and 1991 (and another in Ohio), invested considerable time and effort in planning his abductions and concealing his crimes. For example, he avoided potential abductees who had automobiles because he knew that abandoned cars would likely lead police to suspect foul play and launch an investigation. He also took great pains to dispose of the remains of many of his victims.

The Death of the Moth, and Other Essays, by Virginia Woolf, free ebook

Death Penalty in Canada – 24SevenWriters

Oklahoma and Utah authorize execution by firing squad as an alternative method. However, Utah no longer offers new death row inmates this option as of 2004. Those still on death row who chose it previously as their method of execution upon sentencing can still be shot to death. Four of the eight individuals on death row in Utah as of February 2012 chose death by firing squad as their method of execution during sentencing.

Michael A. Archuleta requested to be executed by firing squad in early 2012, despite not being legally able to do so. He initially chose lethal injection in 1989. The State of Utah did not object to his request. In April 2012, Archuleta’s scheduled execution was canceled and has been stayed pending his federal court appeal. The last person to be executed by firing squad in Utah was Ronnie Gardner on June 17, 2010.

Oklahoma provides that firing squads may be used as a method of execution only if lethal injection and electrocution are found to be unconstitutional.