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Upon arrival, immigrants face countless forms of barriers, such as: language, proper credentials, abandonment of education and work experience from abroad, discrimination, lower earnings and cultural differences....

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Today's immigration is overwhelmingly composed of newcomers from Asia and Latin America, areas with significantly different languages and cultures than those of previous European immigrants in the late 1800s and earlier decades of the 1900s. Concerns have been raised about the speed and degree to which these immigrants can assimilate—and hence about the social "costs" of these new immigrants—before they begin to produce net benefits to their new society. The traditional assumption is that immigrants have costs to U.S. society in the initial period after arrival, but that the costs decrease and the benefits to society increase as duration of residence increases. It is further assumed that the benefits to society also increase with greater assimilation to American culture. Recent research findings, however, especially in the areas of perinatal health, mental health, and education, raise significant questions about such assumptions. Indeed, some of the findings run precisely opposite to what might be expected from traditional notions and theories of assimilation.

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Immigration researchers disagree about many major issues that are essential for revising social policy, including the criteria used to admit immigrants and the extent of social supports required to ensure their successful integration. More specific areas of disagreement include: whether recent arrivals are less skilled than earlier arrivals; whether the pace of socioeconomic assimilation has slowed in recent years and, if so, why; whether the net social and economic impacts of immigration are positive or negative; which social groups and communities are the net beneficiaries (or losers) from the influx of new immigrants; whether legal immigrants, illegal aliens, and refugees face dissimilar prospects for integration in the United States and, if so, why; and whether the criteria currently used to admit immigrants are optimal for achieving social, political, humanitarian, and economic objectives. All analysts agree that reliable answers to all of these questions are necessary for future policy initiatives concerned with employment, schooling, and income maintenance.

Through lifelong and ever changing processes of learning, creativity, and sharing, culture shapes our patterns of behavior and thinking.
This relationship and its relevance to Canadian literature, is in some ways a form of cultural expression.

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Available results from the limited studies available are suggestive. In a study of students in the San Diego high schools, lower grade point averages were noted for Hispanics, Pacific Islanders, and blacks than for all other students. With the exception of Hispanics, immigrant minority students from non-English-speaking families had higher grade averages than either majority native-born students or immigrant minority students from English-speaking families. The highest grade point averages were those of students in immigrant families from China, Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines. More remarkably, Hmong students (whose parents are largely illiterate peasants from the Laotian high-lands) and Cambodian students (whose parents are mostly from poorly educated rural areas) were outperforming the average native-born student. Other research has reported similar findings among immigrants of lower socioeconomic status from Central America, Southeast Asia, and the Punjab, and similar studies have found that Mexican-born immigrant students do better in school and are less likely to drop out than U.S.-born students of Mexican descent, despite the comparatively greater socioeconomic disadvantages of less assimilated foreign-born people (Rumbaut, 1990).

The Native Canadians have been oppressed and forced into assimilation it the Canadian culture for hundreds of years.

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Other suggestions for future research emerged from the workshop discussions. Research should take the social and historical contexts of immigrants fully into account, in terms of entries, exits, and assimilation. And among nonimmigrant ethnic and racial groups, studies need to distinguish between different American-born generations (how many generations have passed since the immigration?) and conceptualize categories of race and ethnicity as social processes, rather than fixed, purely ascriptive categories. Moreover, research is needed to identify protective factors that appear to reduce mental health problems within diverse ethnic minority groups; recent findings show that certain immigrant groups exhibit lower symptom levels of psychiatric disorders than do majority group natives. Longitudinal studies are especially needed to characterize and investigate stress and its temporal patterning among immigrant groups, including patterns of immigrant adaptation to specific conditions of life change and their psychological or emotional sequence. And, given the unprecedented racial and ethnic diversification of the U.S. population as a result of sharply increased immigration from Asia and Latin America, research is needed to investigate the mental health consequences of racial and ethnic discrimination, and how different groups (especially first and second immigrant generations) perceive and react to discrimination.

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Europe’s cultural identity is now in question.In Douglas Murray’s , the author offers a sobering assessment of modern Europe and raises unsettling questions about the future.